So it’s all
locked in now – the long-awaited EU referendum will be held on the 23rd
of June. We have a renegotiation
deal that seeks to address public concerns on migrant benefits and
ever-closer union, and which – thanks to Labour influence
– doesn’t hack away at crucial EU worker protections. Boris Johnson, Michael Gove
and other senior Tories are opposing their own party leadership, while Vote Leave
and Grassroots Out scrap it out for Electoral
Commission designation as the main Leave campaign. And Britain Stronger in
Europe has the firm backing of industry and Labour’s own In grouping, in turn fronted
by the venerable Alan Johnson. This is all a good start for those of us backing
Remain.
However, the
referendum is still fluid to say the least, with some of the most insightful
politics watchers I follow divided or unsure about their predictions. And for
Labour in particular, getting our tone right will be vital, both in terms of
winning the battle with the vote itself and the war against UKIP encroachment
in our heartlands thereafter. We must avert a Scotland-style backlash from core
Labour voters and swing voters alike in the country at large, most of whom are
significantly more Eurosceptic than our internal party faithful tend to be.
Here are a few
things we would do well to be recognisant of, as the sincerely-held pro-EU
beliefs of many of our activists and politicians could easily lead us astray if
we are not self-aware. This is already a problem in too many other aspects of Labour
politics, and the sensitivities at play here will be great.
Remember our original sin
Though it was
for the best of intentions – the very same prioritisation of economic and
national security we are still articulating now – Labour did not back this
referendum taking place before last May. We should of course not dwell on this publicly, but
at an individual level, it is something that should compel Labourites to
approach our fellow countrymen with maximum humility as we engage them about
their thoughts and feelings on the EU and seek to make our case for remaining.
Unity may not be strength
It is a point
increasingly made, and yet still not fully understood by many in Labour
circles, that the Tories’ travails on Europe can put them more in touch with
electorate at large on this than us. Even the pro-Remain Tories generally describe
their viewpoint in pragmatic, transactional terms, and speak fluently about
their frustrations with EU bureaucracy, placing them closer to sceptical voters
and making them more credible as advocates. By contrast, single-minded passion
for the EU from frontbench Labour politicians - even if sprinkled with ritual
mentions of “reform” – cuts against the public mood and strikes them as a bit
weird. Awareness of this would strengthen Labour’s case for the EU, both in the
referendum and beyond. On that note…
“Never shrink from being open about the
problems of the European Union”
That was an Ed Miliband quote from 2012 – it is currently pride of place on Labour Leave’s homepage, but it a sentiment
that Labour pro-Europeans should carry it with us more so. It’s a small reminder that a more
nuanced line did quietly emerge under him and Ed Balls, but like many
promising Labour trends of that era, a message around this was never given the prominence
it needed to achieve cut through – now is our chance to reignite it. We must
tell the electorate loud and clear than the EU is brilliant for jobs, investment,
security, British influence and workers’ rights. But while we’re at it, why not
mention reforms like the ‘red
card’ and our on-record opposition to further
integration, tone-deaf EU budget increases
in a time of belt-tightening and NHS marketisation mandates under TTIP? And when
Martin Schulz pipes up with unhelpful
quotes, we shouldn’t be shy about reminding people that Labour refused
to support him in 2014 when he sought promotion to Commission president.
This is what Labour pro-Europeanism should be – steadfast not slavish, and distinct
from both Lib Dem-like Europhilia and dangerous Tory indecision.
Corbyn could be an asset
Continuing
from the above, the open secret of Jeremy Corbyn’s Euroscepticism could be a
plus. There are nuances here to be extremely careful with, for sure - Sunder
Katwala notes that his love of free movement and scepticism about EU
economics is a direct inversion of the Euroscepticism of the average Briton,
something that nearly came to a head with his speculated
intervention over migrant benefits. However, provided moderates like Alan
Johnson and Andy Burnham continue to rein him in there, Jeremy’s balanced tone is
otherwise a
fairly good fit and tends to incorporate a populist pro-worker pitch that
works well coming from him. The party’s natural pro-Europeans must put aside
our suspicions and make the best of that.
We must respect Labour Leave
A few of
Labour’s leftier or more maverick backbenchers are campaigning for Leave,
mostly in alliance with the more populist Grassroots Out rather than the more
Tory-dominated and Westminster-centric Vote Leave. I may not agree with Frank
Field and Gisela Stuart here, but they are vital figures in our movement and
they represent a longstanding tradition of principled Labour Euroscepticism. While
I’m not sure there has been much friendly fire on the whole, I’ve seen a few instances
of attacks by Europhiles that have deeply worried me. We should leave the
fratricide to the Tories, and on June 24th, whichever way we
campaigned, all Labourites should come together again. I’d actually like to see
Labour In and Labour Leave figures organise unity events for that day, to
strike a contrast with the chaos the Tories will likely experience from either
outcome.
“Shouldn’t” seems to be the hardest word
In the
Scottish independence referendum, Alastair Darling claimed in at least one of
the debates that he had never said that Scotland couldn’t make it as an independent country, but simply felt that
Scotland shouldn’t. This was a vital
distinction and one that might have spared the feelings of pro-independence
Scots who closely associated their vote with their sense of patriotism, but the
Better Together campaign overall rarely reflected this. Instead, the ‘Project
Fear’ image stuck and Labour lost many previous voters to the SNP for the foreseeable
future. While Emma
Thompson’s recent remarks (that our “cake-filled misery-laden grey old
island” would be “mad” to leave the EU) may perhaps have been tongue-in-cheek,
they hit a bone for a reason, as they played into a widely-held perception that
left-wing pro-Europeans cannot afford to be flippant about. There is a legitimate place
for the discussion of the risks and of whether the Leave camp have a clear plan
for Brexit (they don’t), but it is suicide if we default into doing our own country
down. Better Together’s tone might not have matched its uplifting name, but
Stronger In needn’t meet the same fate. And to that end…
Hammer the positives, for there are many
Lastly, stay positive. A University
of York lecturer called Simon
Sweeney put it all well in a letter to the Guardian once, but we need to
carry the message far beyond the choirs pro-Europeans are used to preaching to.
We need to be able to recite these in our sleep:
“What did the EEC/EU ever do for us? Not much, apart from: providing 57%
of our trade; structural funding to areas hit by industrial decline; clean
beaches and rivers; cleaner air; lead free petrol; restrictions on landfill
dumping; a recycling culture; cheaper mobile charges; cheaper air travel;
improved consumer protection and food labelling; a ban on growth hormones and
other harmful food additives; better product safety; single market competition
bringing quality improvements and better industrial performance; break up of
monopolies; Europe-wide patent and copyright protection; no paperwork or
customs for exports throughout the single market; price transparency and
removal of commission on currency exchanges across the eurozone; freedom to
travel, live and work across Europe; funded opportunities for young people to
undertake study or work placements abroad; access to European health services;
labour protection and enhanced social welfare; smoke-free workplaces; equal pay
legislation; holiday entitlement; the right not to work more than a 48-hour
week without overtime; strongest wildlife protection in the world; improved
animal welfare in food production; EU-funded research and industrial
collaboration; EU representation in international forums; bloc EEA negotiation
at the WTO; EU diplomatic efforts to uphold the nuclear non-proliferation
treaty; European arrest warrant; cross border policing to combat human
trafficking, arms and drug smuggling; counter terrorism intelligence; European
civil and military co-operation in post-conflict zones in Europe and Africa;
support for democracy and human rights across Europe and beyond; investment
across Europe contributing to better living standards and educational, social
and cultural capital. All of this is nothing compared with its greatest
achievements: the EU has for 60 years been the foundation of peace between
European neighbours after centuries of bloodshed. It furthermore assisted the extraordinary
political, social and economic transformation of 13 former dictatorships, now
EU members, since 1980. Now the union faces major challenges brought on by
neoliberal economic globalisation, and worsened by its own systemic weaknesses.
It is taking measures to overcome these. We in the UK should reflect on whether
our net contribution of £7bn out of total government expenditure of £695bn is
good value. We must play a full part in enabling the union to be a force for
good in a multipolar global future”
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